Monday, June 27, 2005

Summertime Reading

It's summer. School's out and time to soak up some sun and listen to the waves lapping up on the shore. What to bring along? Hmmm. The salty air will wreck havoc on those old manuscripts (won't even tell you what the suntan lotion does to them), so nothing published before 2003, nor ones that I'm waiting to get published. That limits my list to ten.

1. Peter S. Onuf and Eliga Gould's Empire and Nation : The American Revolution in the Atlantic World (Anglo-America in the Transatlantic World) (Johns Hopkins U. Press; 1993). I've been an admirer of Onuf's works on Jefferson for some time; Jefferson's Empire and Jeffersonian Legacies are two of my favorites. The most interesting recent writings on the American Revolution have focused on the transatlantic nature of the Revolution, which has been something I've looked at since Robert R. Palmer's brilliant Age of the Democratic Revolution first came out. Very curious about Onuf's take on the subject.

2. Philip S. Gorski's The Disciplinary Revolution: Calvinism and the Rise of the State in Early Modern Europe (Chicago: U. of Chicago Press, 2003). This work is a dialectical analysis of the rise of the modern state in Europe during 1500-1700 a.d. (shades of Chris Sciabarra), focusing mainly on the Dutch and German experiences. What he does remarkably well is place religion within this context, pointing out how Calvinism influenced social discipline and allowed for forms of social control to strengthen both the ecclesiastical polity and the political realm. I've always felt that the Rothbardian line about Pre-, Post- and whatever else Millennialism misses the mark on the role of religion on politics, and Gorski fills in the gaps and integrates ecclesiastical effects on political society in a much clearer manner. Almost done reading this. Couldn't wait.

3. John E. Moser's Right Turn: John T. Flynn and the Transformation of American Liberalism (New York: NYU Press; 2005). I've read some of Moser's previous essays and expect to find an accurate understanding of both Flynn and classical liberalism with, hopefully, some perceptive insights.

4. Robert Lomas' Freemasonry and the Birth of Modern Science (Gloucester: Fair Winds Press; 2003). The reviewers say that it details the history of the rise of The Royal Society under Charles II through the efforts of Robert Boyle, Christopher Wren and, primarily, Sir Robert Moray. And yes, it probably has some sort of claims for Masonic involvement or conspiracy or some such, but it may well have a few gems of insights here and there.

5. Before Robert V. Andelson's untimely death, he edited the two volume Critics of Henry George: an Appraisal of Their Structures on Progress and Poverty (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing; 2003-4). This is a wonderful compilation, many written by libertarians, of examining the claims of the critics of Henry George. Included are commentaries on Individualist-Anarchism, F.A. Hayek, Spencer Heath, Murray Rothbard and Robert LeFevre, as well as essays on most major economists and many minor ones. A lot of good material here.

6. Gale Ahrens' Lucy Parsons: Freedom, Equality & Solidarity, Writings & Speeches 1878-1937 (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr Publishing Co.; 2004). The three major women in the anarchist movement at the turn of the last century were Emma Goldman, Voltairine de Cleyre and Lucy Parsons. Goldman and de Cleyre have had numerous collections of their essays available and are currently in print. Only Parsons has not had her writings available save in a few collections of anarchist or feminist writings. Now, with this publication, this has changed, and an updated biography (albeit too short) is provided by the editor. For those interested in anarchist activism and thought, this is a valuable asset.

7. Sharon Presley and Crispin Sartwell's Exquisite Rebel: the Essays of Voltairine de Cleyre--Anarchist, Feminist, Genius (Albany: SUNY Press; 2005). Along with The Voltairine de Cleyre Reader and Gates of Freedom : Voltairine de Cleyre and the Revolution of the Mind, this year has been a phenomenal one for de Cleyre collections. Because Exquisite Rebel contains an essay on de Cleyre by Presley, whom I've always respected as a libertarian feminist, I've decided to start with this one. Why are there so many books on de Cleyre? Because she was a great writer and poet. She deserves the acclaim.

8. Jessica Warner's John the Painter: Terrorist of the American Revolution (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press; 2004) When the Scot and former emigre to America, John Aikens, set fire to the Royal Navy dockyards of Portsmouth and Bristol, he brought the American Revolution home to the British. The terrorists of yesterday are forgotten today. This is the story of one.

9. Michael R. Hill and Susan Hoecker-Drysdale's Harriet Martineau: Theoretical & Methodological Perspectives (New York: Routledge; 2003). A collection of essays on Martineau's life and theories of sociology covering many aspects of her voluminous writings, from history to disability. I wish this had been available years ago when I first studied Martineau.

10. Ray Raphael's The First American Revolution: Before Lexington and Concord (New York: the New Press; 2003). Raphael argues that the American Revolution began in small communities in which control by the British authorities had already been lost to Americans and that the later skirmishes were attempts by the British to take back control. The transfer of political authority to the American patriots by 1774 (and the loss by the British) was the real revolution making the later clash in April 1775 a British counter-revolution to regain lost territory. Interesting thesis and I'm looking forward to reading this work.

OK, there's my top 10. Any other suggestions for this summer?

Just a thought.
Just Ken

cross-posted at Liberty & Power Blog
CLASSical Liberalism

Red Emma, b. 6/27/1869

Ben Reitman, her long-time friend and lover, said in 1907 of Goldman in their first meeting that
"She had a powerful face, beautiful, strong, clear, blue eyes, a nose that was not Jewish, and a strong, firm jaw. She was somewhat nearsighted and wore heavy glasses. Her hair was blond and silken and she wore it in a simple knot on the back of her head."

She was an inspiration to her admirers. Margaret Anderson, founder of the avant-garde Little Review in Chicago would say of her that
"something tremendous has dropped out of life with her going. The exasperating thing about Emma Goldman is that she makes herself so indispensable to her audiences that it is always tragic when she leaves; the amazing thing about her is that her inspiration seems never to falter. Life takes on an intenser qualith when she is present; there is something cosmic in the air, a feeling of worlds in the making..."

Born in Kovno, Lithuania, Emma Goldman was, in the words of one of her biographers, "an almost mythical figure, the archetypal woman activist." In 1882 she moved with her family to the Jewish ghetto in St Petersburg where she started reading the radical literature of Turgenev and Chernyshevsky. When her father tried to force her to marry, she left with her sister, Helena, to America.

In 1886, Goldman emigrated to Rochester, New York, earning her living by working in clothing factories. The Chicago Haymarket Bombing soon transpired. An unknown assailant tossed a bomb into a throng of riot police, killing one instantly. In the chaos that erupted, seven policemen were killed, sixty injured, and civilian casualties were likely as high. The event marked the anarchist movement as violent and made Chicago known as a center of labor conflict. The event affected and divided both the labor movement and the anarchist movement, not only nationally, but also throughout the world.

The young Goldman was devastated when four anarchists (who she believed innocent) were hung, another committed suicide in jail, two had their sentences commuted to life in prison and one remained in prison even though there was no case against him. Goldman credited this event for her conversion to anarchism and subsequent divorce of her husband, Jacob Kershner, of less than a year. In August, 1889, Emma moved to New York City where she joined the Yiddish Anarchist movement leader, Johann Most, editor of the anarchist newspaper Freiheit. She met Alexander Berkman, young Lithuanian (from Vilnius) who shared her ideals and would come to share her bed.

In 1892, she conspired with Berkman in his failed attempt to assassinate Henry Clay Frick (in retaliation for Frick's role in the attack on strikers at Homestead). Berkman eventually served 14 years in Western Penitentiary for his crime; her guilt over Berkman's sole responsibility for a crime they both participated in remained a major influence for the rest of her life. Following the failed assassination, Emma gained not only national prominence, but became prominent in the anarchist movement as well. In 1895 she traveled to Vienna to study medicine, attending lectures by Freud. As a trained nurse, she would later spend years among the needy prostitutes in New York's brothels. In London, she met her ideological mentor, Peter Kropotkin. Returning to America a year later as a trained nurse, she made frequent cross-country speaking tours over the next few years.

Her anarchist agitation was interrupted in 1901 when Leon Czolgosz assassinated President McKinley. Goldman was blamed for Czolgosz's action and was forced into hiding by a massive wave of anti-anarchist hysteria (for many years she was "Mrs E.G. Smith"). The same year Berkman was released from prison Emma began publishing Mother Earth, in 1906.

In 1904, while working as a nurse, she had opened up a "Vienna scalp and facial massage" parlor which was intended as a supplement to her income. Upon a chance meeting the next year with a troupe of Russian actors would change the direction of her life. Their lead actor, Pavel Orleneff, needed a manager and interpreter, which she was happy to undertake. Her return would be a benefit performance to raise money for a magazine which she had thought about for many years "to combine my social ideas with the young strivings in the various art forms in America," and the $250.00 box-office take was enough to start with.

Mother Earth (1906-17) was a true accomplishment of Emma Goldman's tireless work for the next decade. She originally had hopes of publishing a periodical under the title, "The Open Road" (from Whitman's poem), but found out at the last minute that another literary publication with that name had already started and was threatening a lawsuit if she used the same name. Fortunately, on a buggy ride in the countryside in February, she noticed the early signs of spring, "indicating life was germinating in the womb of Mother Earth." The rest was history. The first issue on March 1, 1907, 64 pages long. The first printing of 3,000 was sold out in a week and another 1,000 printed. She closed the massage parlor and never looked back. With the help of many of her friends and lovers, the publication had a base of talent to keep the publication running with a high level of quality in both prose and poetry. With Benjamin Tucker's Liberty coming to a close due to a fire in slightly more than a year, Mother Earth would become the primary outlet for American anarchism for the next generation.

Goldman published a broad spectrum of anarchist and libertarian thinking as well as many literary writings. While she was regarded as an anarchist-communist, in part from her background with Most and Kropotkin, in my analysis of all of her written essays in Mother Earth completed some years ago, it was clear that she was strongly influenced by American political thinkers. She referenced George Washington more than anyone else, and the next most-referenced thinkers were Alexander Hamilton(!), Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine. The European activists and authors, such as Kropotkin, Bakunin and Reclus, were hardly mentioned. Upon reflection after my original studies, it may be that, since she was writing for an American audience, that she emphasized American libertarians, but I think it doubtful. Her inclination was to be quite forthright and open on such matters. Also, the writers in Mother Earth were often individualists, or defenders of individualism--Voltairine de Cleyre (who was perhaps the finest of her contributors), Leo Tolstoy, Bolton Hall, among others.

The articles and fiction were generally on topical matters as well as general commentaries on specific issues--feminism, birth control, free speech, civil liberties, education, literature and prison reform. She also kept a running correspondence in the pages on her lecture tours (which helped to finance the publication), as well as social events for anarchists (Masquerade Balls--she once came as a nun, and "Mid Summer Dance and Ice Cream Party"--"Tickets, 20 cents, Hat Check, 10 cents").

Several authors who became better known began writing in Mother Earth. John R. Coryell, who frequently wrote under the name Margaret Grant, was the originator of the "Nick Carter" detective series and the "Bertha M. Clay" romance novels. Eugene O'Neill's first printed piece, the poem "The "American Soveriegn"," was in the May 1911 issue of Mother Earth. O'Neill first discovered the periodical while browsing in Benj. R. Tucker's Unique Book Shop in New York as a college dropout, became a regular reader and would continue to correspond with Goldman long after her deportation in 1919 (his editor at Random House was Goldman's nephew Saxe Commins).

Goldman was jailed in 1917 as a result of her work in the No-Conscription League and her anti-war stand against World War I, also causing Mother Earth to be shut down by the government. Her niece, Stella Comyn, would continue it for a year as Mother Earth Bulletin and later publish the mimeographed "Instead of a Magazine," but Goldman was unable to help.

Goldman and Berkman were deported in 1919 to Soviet Russia after incarceration for two years. At first, Goldman was excited to see first hand revolutionary Russia, but she quickly realized that the Bolsheviks and the massive dictatorship created by Lenin was crushing the "spontaneity of the masses." In 1921, Libertarian sailors revolted at Kronstadt against the Bolshevik government. The suppression of Kronstadt by the Communists was too much for Goldman and Berkman and they left Russia in a state of disillusionment. For the next few years, traveling from country to country as she would get permission, she wrote a long series of articles and two books about her experience in and the ideological contradictions she perceived within Soviet Russia.

Goldman married the British James Colton in 1926 for the convenience citizenship offered. She lived in seclusion for a few years in France in order to write her autobiography, which was published in 1931. During this long exile, Goldman continually sought to return to the United States. In 1936, Alexander Berkman committed suicide after prolonged agony caused by an aggravated case of prostate cancer. For the next three years, Goldman committed herself to the support of the Spanish anarcho-syndicalists and their fight against Communists, Republicans and Fascists in Spain.

Goldman died from a stroke in Toronto in 1940 while attempting to save an Italian anarchist from deportation, where he faced certain death in Fascist Italy. Only after her death was she admitted back into America, where Emma Goldman found her eternal resting place at Waldheim Cemetery in Chicago, buried near the Haymarket martyrs.

Just a thought.
Just Ken

cross-posted at Liberty & Power Blog
CLASSical Liberalism

Sunday, June 19, 2005

Speaking Man to Man-To My Children's Birthfathers

Thank you, my friends.

I've never met you, but without you, my life would never have been blessed with the joys of my children. My son, now dead from a run-in with a drunk driver on an L.A. freeway, followed his own path and bore many traits, in body and mind, that you gave him. My daughters (full sisters), hitting puberty, show talents and temperaments which, in part, must have come from you.

I don't know how my life would have been without you, but certainly far poorer spiritually and far less exuberant. My children have filled my life and my heart with experiences and joys I would never have had.

All of the infertility treatments, expenses and strains of the adoption process are nothing compared to what you have done, for you gave my children life. For that I will never be able to thank you enough.

I want to let you know my daughters are happy and healthy, as my son was, before his untimely death; I give all of the love and nurturing they deserve-and more! I will protect them and love them in all the ways a father can.

Birthfathers have a difficult path and I can only speculate how much say you had.

You may have helped make the choice for a new life plan through adoption.

You may not have even known of the baby. The birthmother may never have told you, although you may have had suspicions. Newspaper ads fulfilling the legal requirements for terminating your parental rights may have been published, unseen by you.

Perhaps you knew, but did not know how to assert your rights. Law is often confusing and arcane and in the emotional time when your life was in turmoil you may not have decided carefully.

It may have been easy to deny paternity. Uncertainty will grow over the years and leave you with unresolved questions. The youthful desire for freedom evolves into a different sense of responsibility.
What choices and what burdens you may have faced, I may never know.

I have read many poems honoring the birthmother, but little is said of your gift to me. But man to man, birthfathers will never be forgotten.

I will always remember. Happy Father's Day!

Thank you.
Just Ken

cross-posted at Liberty & Power Blog
CLASSical Liberalism

Happy 140th Juneteenth!

2005 marks the 140th year anniversary of Juneteenth. In Galveston, Texas, on June 19th, word of the emancipation proclamation finally reached the enslaved. In the 140 years since, African Americans have elevated this celebration, publicly and privately to one of the most important of the year.

A significant milestone in American history, Juneteenth serves as a reference point from which to appreciate the progress and contributions made by African Americans and an acknowledgement of African American progress ever since. For 140 years African Americans in Texas and all over the country have celebrated Juneteenth.

Slaves naturally rebelled against their owners. Nat Turner, Denmark Vesey, and Gabriel Prosser are but three who decided that they would rather die than remain slaves. Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation (which freed only those in the states fighting against the Union) went into effect on January 1, 1863, but it was not until General Gordon Granger of the Union, or Northern, army arrived in Texas in 1865 that many of the slaves were informed that they had already been emancipated for over two years!

One of General Granger's first orders of business was to read to the people of Texas, General Order Number 3 which began most significantly with:
"The people of Texas are informed that in accordance with a Proclamation from the Executive of the United States, all slaves are free. This involves an absolute equality of rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves, and the connection heretofore existing between them becomes that between employer and free laborer."

The reactions ranged from pure shock to immediate jubilation. While many lingered to learn of this new employer to employee relationship, many left before these offers were completely off the lips of their former masters, attesting to the varying conditions on the plantations and the realization of freedom. Even with nowhere to go, many felt that leaving the plantation would be their first grasp of freedom. North was a logical destination and, for many, it represented true freedom, while others left to reach family in neighboring states--Louisiana, Arkansas and Oklahoma. Settling into these new areas as free men and women brought on new realities and the challenges of establishing a heretofore nonexistent status for black people in America.

As the news spread throughout Texas, African Americans celebrated. Festive foods were prepared, music was played, and people danced and sang. Games are played and stories told then much as they are now.

On January 1, 1980, Juneteenth became an official state holiday through the efforts of Al Edwards, an African American state legislator in Texas. The successful passage of this bill marked Juneteenth as the first emancipation celebration granted official state recognition. While not officially recognized in every state, it has become a popular holiday for African Americans everywhere.

Just a thought.
Just Ken

cross-posted at Liberty & Power Blog
CLASSical Liberalism

Sunday, June 12, 2005

Harriet Martineau, Liberal Economist and Sociologist

Harriet Martineau's (b. 6/12/1802) life was a struggle from the very beginning. Her father's death in 1826 would force her to support her mother and herself by needlework and discover her writing ability in her spare time. During the next year she would discover Jane Marcet's works on political economy and became convinced that she could do better. A fiercly independent intellectual, constantly underappreciated for her talents by relatives and friends, battling against the biases toward her sex and physical frailties (Lord Brougham would call her "his little deaf girl"), it would have come as a great surprise that she would be remembered as one of Great Britain's greatest teachers of economics (influenced by James Mill) in her popular Illustrations of Political Economy (9 vol., 1832–34) and Illustrations of Taxation (1834), two works bringing classical economics to the layman, and as author of two major works criticizing American social and political practices from a classical liberal standpoint, Society in America (1837) and Retrospect of Western Travel (1838). She would go on to write novels (including one based on Toussaint Louverture, the leader of the black revolt in Haiti) and work as a journalist for the last decades of her life.

As an activist, she would become known as one of the leading abolitionists of her time, promote the career of Florence Nightingale for generations of young women, lead the fight for women's rights, write a candid autobiography as well as a popular work on the sociology of August Comte and one on Mesmerism.

The following is excerpted from "Political Non-Existence of Women" from her Society In America:
POLITICAL NON-EXISTENCE of WOMEN. General Treatise on the Denial of Full Citizenship Rights to Women.

One of the fundamental principles announced in the Declaration of Independence is, that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. How can the political condition of women be reconciled with this ? Governments in the United States have power to tax women who hold property ( to divorce them from their husbands; to fine, imprison, and execute them for certain offences. Whence do these governments derive their powers? They are not " just," as they are not derived from the consent of the women thus governed. Governments in the United States have power to enslave certain women ( and also to punish other women for inhuman treatment of such slaves. Neither of these powers are " just;" not being derived from the consent of the governed. Governments decree to women in some States half their husbands' property; in others one-third. In some, a woman, on her marriage, is made to yield all her property to her husband; in others, to retain a portion, or the whole, in her own hands. Whence do governments derive the unjust power of thus disposing of property without the consent of the governed ? The democratic principle condemns all this as wrong; and requires the equal political representation of all rational beings. Children, idiots, and criminals, during the season of sequestration, are the only fair exceptions. The case is so plain that I might close it here ( but it is interesting to inquire how so obvious a decision has been so evaded as to leave to women no political rights whatever. The question has been asked, from time to time, in more countries than one, how obedience to the laws can be required of women, when no woman has, either actually or virtually, given any assent to any law. No plausible answer has, as far as I can discover, been offered for the good reason, that no plausible answer can be devised. The most principled democratic writers on government have on this subject sunk into fallacies, as disgraceful as any advocate of despotism has adduced. In fact, they have thus sunk from being, for the moment, advocates of despotism. Jefferson in America, and James Mill at home, subside, for the occasion, to the level of the author of the Emperor of Russia's Catechism for the young Poles. Jefferson says " Were our State a pure democracy, in which all the inhabitants should meet together to transact all their business, there would yet be excluded from their deliberations,

" 1. Infants, until arrived at years of discretion.

" 2. Women, who, to prevent depravation of morals, and ambiguity of issue, could not mix promiscoously in the public meetings of men.

" 3. Slaves, from whom the unfortunate state of things with us takes away the rights of will and of property."

If the slave disqualification, here assigned, were shifted up under the head of Women, their case would be nearer the truth than as it now stands. Woman's lack of will and of property, is more like the true cause of her exclusion from the representation, than that which is actually set down against her. As if there could be no means of conducting public affairs but by promiscuous meetings ! As if there would be more danger in promiscuous meetings for political business than in such meetings for worship, for oratory, for music, for dramatic entertainments, for any of the thousand transactions of civilized life! The plea is not worth another word.

Mill says, with regard to representation, in his Essay on Government, “One thing is pretty clear, that all those individuals, whose interests are involved in those of other individuals, may be struck off without inconvenience.... In this light, women may be regarded, the interest of almost all of whom is involved, either in that of their fathers or in that of their husbands."

The true democratic principle is, that no person's interests can be, or can be ascertained to be, identical with those of any other person. This allows the exclusion of none but incapables.

The word "almost," in Mr. Mill's second sentence, rescues women from the exclusion he proposes. As long as there are women who have neither husbands nor fathers, his proposition remains an absurdity.

The interests of women who have fathers and husbands can never be identical with theirs, while there is a necessity for laws to protect women against their husbands and fathers. This statement is not worth another word.

Some who desire that there should be an equality of property between men and women, oppose representation, on the ground that political duties would be incompatible with the other duties which women have to discharge. The reply to this is, that women are the best judges here. God has given time and power for the discharge of all duties, and, if he had not, it would be for women to decide which they would take, and which they would leave. But their guardians follow the ancient fashion of deciding what is best for their wards. The Emperor of Russia discovers when a cost of arms and title do not agree with a subject prince. The King of France early perceives that the air of Paris does not agree with a free-thinking foreigner. The English Tories feel the hardship that it would be to impose the franchise on every artizan, busy as he is in getting his bread. The Georgian planter perceives the hardship that freedom would be to his slaves. And the best friends of half the human race peremptorily decide for them as to their rights, their duties, their feelings, their powers. In all these cases, the persons thus cared for feel that the abstract decision rests with themselves; that, though they may be compelled to submit, they need not acquiesce.

It is pleaded that half of the human race does acquiesce in the decision of the other half, as to their rights and duties. And some instances, not only of submission, but of acquiescence, there are. Forty years ago, the women of New Jersey went to the pol1, and voted, at state elections. The general term, " inhabitants," stood unqualified as it will again, when the true democratic principle comes to be fully understood. A motion was made to correct the inadvertence; and it was done, as a matter of course without any appeal, as far as I could learn, from the persons about to be injured. Such acquiescence proves nothing but the degradation of the injured party. It inspires the same emotions of pity as the supplication of the freed slave who kneels to his master to restore him to slavery, that he may have his animal wants supplied, without being troubled with human rights and duties. Acquiescence like this is an argument which cuts the wrong way for those who use it.

But this acquiescence is only partial; and, to give any semblance of strength to the plea, the acquiescence must be complete. I, for one, do not acquiesce. I declare that whatever obedience I yield to the laws of the society in which I live is a matter between, not the community and myself, but my judgment and my will. Any punishment inflicted on me for the breach of the laws, I should regard as so much gratuitous injury, for to those laws I have never, actually or virtually, assented. I know that there are women in England who agree with me in this. I know that there are women in America who agree with me in this. The plea of acquiescence is invalidated by us.

It is pleaded that, by enjoying the protection of some laws, women give their assent to all. This needs but a brief answer. Any protection thus conferred is, under woman's circumstances, a boon best owed at the pleasure of those in whose power she is. A boon of any sort is no compensation for the privation of something else; nor can the enjoyment of it bind to the performance of anything to which it bears no relation.

Because I, by favour, may procure the imprisonment of the thief who robs my house, am I, unrepresented, therefore bound not to smuggle French ribbons? The obligation not to smuggle has a widely different derivation. I cannot enter upon the commonest order of pleas of all; or those which relate to the virtual influence of woman; her swaying the judgment and will of man through the heart and so forth. One might as well try to dissect the morning mist. I knew a gentleman in America who told me how much rather he had be a woman than the man he is; a professional man, a father, a citizen. He would give up all this for a woman's influence. I thought he was mated too soon. He should have married a lady, also of my acquaintance, who would not at all object to being a slave, if ever the blacks should have the upper hand; it is so right that the one race should be subservient to the other ! Or rather, I thought it a pity that the one could not be a woman, and the other a slave so that an injured individual of each class might be exalted into their places, to fulfil and enjoy the duties and privileges which they despise, and, in despising, disgrace.

The truth is, that while there is much said about " the sphere of woman," two widely different notions are entertained of what is meant by the phrase. The narrow, and, to the ruling party, the more convenient notion is that sphere appointed by men, and bounded by their ideas of propriety ; a notion from which any and every woman may fairly dissent. The broad and true conception is of the sphere appointed by God, and bounded by the powers which he has bestowed. This commands the assent of man and woman, and only the question of powers remains to be proved.

That woman has power to represent her own interests, no one can deny till she has been tried. The modes need not be discussed here: they must vary with circumstances. The fearful and absurd images which are perpetually called up to perplex the question, images of women on wool-sacks in England, and under canopies in America, have nothing to do with the matter. The principle being once established, the method will follow, easily, naturally, and under a remarkable transmutation of the ludicrous into the sublime. The kings of Europe would have laughed mightily, two centuries ago, at the idea of a commoner, without robes, crown, or sceptre, stepping into the throne of a strong nation. Yet who dared to laugh when Washington's super-royal voice greeted the New World from the presidential chair, and the old world stood still to catch the echo?

The principle of the equal rights of both halves of the human race is all we have to do with here. It is the true democratic principle which can never be seriously controverted, and only for a short time evaded. Governments can derive their just powers only from the consent of the governed.

Just a thought.
Just Ken

cross-posted at Liberty & Power Blog
CLASSical Liberalism

Thursday, June 09, 2005

Klein's "The People's Romance"

Daniel Klein has a very interesting paper describing one of the fundamental issues which libertarians have to address. In his insightful manner, he examines the notions of "common purpose" and "shared experience" which statists use to justify their attempts to coordinate everyone's thoughts and behavior into a single, unified collective whole. In The People's Romance: Why People Love Government (As Much as They Do), he presents the idea of collective behavior as a collective good within an historical context, and also seeks to explain why it occurs and why it's such a difficult concept for libertarians to overcome.

He argues that this sense of mutuality expressed in a "coordination of sentiment" is in contradistinction to the spontaneous order essential to a libertarian society, as well as the notions of private property, and even self-ownership. I think that he has come up with an excellent explanatory tool in our understandings of what issues libertarian need to address.

Tip of the hat to Douglas Wagoner on Atlantis II for bringing it to my attention.

Just a thought.
Just Ken
CLASSical Liberalism

Wednesday, June 01, 2005


"On the visit of General Lafayette to this country, in 1824, he came over to Brooklyn in state, and rode through the city. The children of the schools turn'd out to join in the welcome. An edifice for a free public library for youths was just then commencing, and Lafayette consented to stop on his way and lay the corner-stone. Numerous children arriving on the ground, where a huge irregular excavation for the building was already dug, surrounded with heaps of rough stone, several gentlemen assisted in lifting the children to safe or convenient spots to see the ceremony. Among the rest, Lafayette, also helping the children, took up the five-year-old Walt Whitman, and pressing the child a moment to his breast, and giving him a kiss, handed him down to a safe spot in the excavation."--John Burroughs.

There are times when poets seem untouched by politics, but this is only a cursory reading coming from impressions in high school literature classes. Delve below the Leaves of Grass into its roots and you will discover that this is not so. From the time that he was a child, Walt Whitman (b. 5/31/1819) had been touched by the American Revolutionary experience. As he was to say in a testimonial on Thomas Paine's 140th birthday ("IN MEMORY OF THOMAS PAINE Spoken at Lincoln Hall, Philadelphia, Sunday, Jan. 28,'77, for 140th anniversary of T.P.'s birth-day"):

"Some thirty-five years ago, in New York city, at Tammany hall, of which place I was then a frequenter, I happen'd to become quite well acquainted with Thomas Paine's perhaps most intimate chum, and certainly his later years' very frequent companion, a remarkably fine old man, Col. Fellows, who may yet be remember'd by some stray relics of that period and spot. If you will allow me, I will first give a description of the Colonel himself. He was tall, of military bearing, aged about 78 I should think, hair white as snow, clean-shaved on the face, dress'd very neatly, a tail-coat of blue cloth with metal buttons, buff vest, pantaloons of drab color, and his neck, breast and wrists showing the whitest of linen. Under all circumstances, fine manners; a good but not profuse talker, his wits still fully about him, balanced and live and undimm'd as ever. He kept pretty fair health, though so old. For employment -- for he was poor -- he had a post as constable of some of the upper courts. I used to think him very picturesque on the fringe of a crowd holding a tall staff, with his erect form, and his superb, bare, thick-hair'd, closely-cropt white head. The judges and young lawyers, with whom he was ever a favorite, and the subject of respect, used to call him Aristides. It was the general opinion among them that if manly rectitude and the instincts of absolute justice remain'd vital anywhere about New York City Hall, or Tammany, they were to be found in Col. Fellows. He liked young men, and enjoy'd to leisurely talk with them over a social glass of toddy, after his day's work, (he on these occasions never drank but one glass,) and it was at reiterated meetings of this kind in old Tammany's back parlor of those days, that he told me much about Thomas Paine. At one of our interviews he gave me a minute account of Paine's sickness and death. In short, from those talks, I was and am satisfied that my old friend, with his mark'd advantages, had mentally, morally and emotionally gauged the author of "Common Sense," and besides giving me a good portrait of his appearance and manners, had taken the true measure of his interior character.
Paine's practical demeanor, and much of his theoretical belief, was a mixture of the French and English schools of a century ago, and the best of both. Like most old-fashion'd people, he drank a glass or two every day, but was no tippler, nor intemperate, let alone being a drunkard. He lived simply and economically, but quite well -- was always cheery and courteous, perhaps occasionally a little blunt, having very positive opinions upon politics, religion, and so forth. That he labor'd well and wisely for the States in the trying period of their parturition, and in the seeds of their character, there seems to me no question. I dare not say how much of what our Union is owning and enjoying to-day -- its independence -- its ardent belief in, and substantial practice of, radical human rights -- and the severance of its government from all ecclesiastical and superstitious dominion -- I dare not say how much of all this is owing to Thomas Paine, but I am inclined to think a good portion of it decidedly is.
"But I was not going either into an analysis or eulogium of the man. I wanted to carry you back a generation or two, and give you by indirection a moment's glance -- and also to ventilate a very earnest and I believe authentic opinion, nay conviction, of that time, the fruit of the interviews I have mention'd, and of questioning and cross-questioning, clench'd by my best information since, that Thomas Paine had a noble personality, as exhibited in presence, face, voice, dress, manner, and what may be call'd his atmosphere and magnetism, especially the later years of his life. I am sure of it. Of the foul and foolish fictions yet told about the circumstances of his decease, the absolute fact is that as he lived a good life, after its kind, he died calmly and philosophically, as became him. He served the embryo Union with most precious service -- a service that every man, woman and child in our thirty-eight States is to some extent receiving the benefit of to-day -- and I for one here cheerfully, reverently throw my pebble on the cairn of his memory. As we all know, the season demands -- or rather, will it ever be out of season? -- that America learn to better dwell on her choicest possession, the legacy of her good and faithful men -- that she well preserve their fame, if unquestion'd -- or, if need be, that she fail not to dissipate what clouds have intruded on that fame, and burnish it newer, truer and brighter, continually."

Whitman's prose writings were infused with the Jeffersonian and Jacksonian traditions. One need only look briefly through his career in journalism and writing to see this. Beginning at the young age of 12, in 1831, Whitman is apprenticed to the editor of Long Island Patriot, Democratic and the foreman printer teaches Whitman the process of typesetting. In 1832 Whitman, 13, works for a Brooklyn printer, and then working as a compositor for the Whig weekly Long-Island Star.
In 1835, the 16 year old moves to New York City and works as a compositor. In 1838 joins a local debating society in Smithtown, serves as secretary, and debates against slavery, endorses foreign emigration, and condemns capital punishment.
In 1838, Whitman moves to Huntington, Long Island, where at 19, he founds a weekly newspaper, the Long-Islander, serving as publisher, editor, compositor, pressman, and distributor. The next year, Whitman sells the newspaper. He moves to Jamaica, Long Island, working on the Long Island Democrat as typesetter and boarding with James J. Brenton, the editor of the paper. Whitman resigns from the paper, but continues writing articles for the Democrat.
In the fall of 1840, Whitman serves as Democratic electioneer for Queens County and enters into debates with political candidates. In May 1841, Whitman moves to New York City and begins writing for the Democratic Review. In the fall, he becomes compositor for the weekly magazine, New World. In 1842, Whitman edits the New York Aurora, but he is later fired. He writes a bulletin of murder reports for New York Evening Tattler, and then works for the Daily Plebeian, a Democratic Party paper where he becomes a penny-a-liner. Whitman publishes Franklin Evans, a temperance novel, as a part of a weekly shilling-novel series.
In 1843, Whitman edits the New York Statesman, a semiweekly Democratic paper, and in 1844, briefly writes for the New York Mirror, a popular weekly. In July, Whitman begins editing the New York Democrat, a daily morning paper. Publishes the first edition of Leaves of Grass.
In the fall of 1845, begins editing stories for the Long Island Star. In March of 1846, Whitman starts at the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, a conservative Democratic paper. A year later, Whitman is fired from the Eagle, apparently for his support of the Wilmot Proviso, a bill that called for the exclusion of slavery from all newly acquired territories. Four months later he is selected as one of fifteen delegates from Brooklyn representing Kings County at a Free-Soil Party convention where he hears speeches by Frederick Douglass, Charles Redmond, and Henry Garnet.
September, 1848, Whitman establishes the Brooklyn Daily Freeman, a newspaper that sympathizes with the Free-Soil cause. After the first edition appears, a fire destroys the newspaper and is taken over by Democrats as part of an effort to stifle the Free-Soil cause.
In April 1849, he writes a series of articles for the Sunday Dispatch. He works a brief stint as an editor of a new paper, the New York Daily News, which shuts down in February due to financial failure.
In 1850, Whitman publishes four poems, and in 1851, he issues a guidebook from his print shop entitled The Salesman and Traveller's Directory for Long Island, but quits publishing it after a few issues. He turns to writing Long Island sketches under the title of "Letters from Paumanok" in William Cullen Bryant's Evening Post; he begins spending time in the studios of artists and sculptors residing in Brooklyn; and he is elected president of the Brooklyn Art Union, an organization that lasted only a short time.
In 1855,Whitman has the first edition of Leaves of Grass printed at a Brooklyn printing shop. About 800 copies are initially printed, and the first 295 copies are advertised for sale at $2.00 a copy. Emerson praises Leaves of Grass in a letter to Whitman.
Bronson Alcott, Henry David Thoreau, and Sarah Tyndale visit Whitman and his family. In the spring of 1857, Whitman begins editing the Brooklyn Daily Times, where he reviews books, writes editorials, and selects the fiction to be printed.
June, 1859, Whitman is dismissed from the Brooklyn Daily Times, after publishing two editorials calling for the legalization of prostitution and more liberal attitudes towards pre-marital sex for men and for women. On February 10, 1860, Whitman receives a letter from publishers Thalyer and Eldridge of Boston, who offer to publish a third edition of Leaves of Grass.
1861, Whitman hears the newsboys announcing the attack on Fort Sumter. Whitman writes a recruiting poem, "Beat! Beat! Drums," and he supports himself as a freelance journalist, writing a series of articles about Brooklyn life and a few about Manhattan.
In 1862, Whitman works part-time as a copyist in the Army Paymaster's office, and he regularly visits wounded soldiers in Washington hospitals. At the end of the war, in 1865, Whitman publishes Drum-Taps. Whitman gets work as a clerk in the Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, but when a new Secretary of the Interior takes office, Leaves of Grass is found indecent and Whitman is fired.
In 1872, the fifth edition of Leaves of Grass is published. Democratic Vistas is also published. Whitman travels to Hanover, New Hampshire for the Dartmouth University commencement where he reads As a Strong Bird on Pinions Free, which is published later that year. Whitman publishes another edition of Leaves of Grass in 1876, and also Memoranda During the War and Two Rivulets.
In 1881 - 1882 Leaves of Grass, sixth edition, is published, and Whitman lectures on Lincoln before the St. Botolph Club in Boston. In June of 1888 Whitman suffers a paralytic stoke and dies on March 26, 1892. The "death-bed" edition of Leaves of Grass is published in 1891 and 1892 by David McKay in Philadelphia.
Whitman's early writings on liberty and power are strongly libertarian. His hatred of politics and power were eloquently stated and should be read by everyone. His anger toward slavery and Southern slaveholders was strident and powerful as were his attacks on party politics. The following is one of my favorite short essays of his, The Eighteenth Presidency! Voice of Walt Whitman to each Young Man in the Nation, North, South, East, and West written in 1856. It is reprinted in full as I want the reader to experience the feeling and emotions of Whitman's prose. If you are unfamiliar with his poetry, you should read them here as well.

Before the American era, the programme of the classes of a nation read thus, first the king, second the noblemen and gentry, third the great mass of mechanics, farmers, men following the water, and all laboring persons. The first and second classes are unknown to the theory of the government of These States; the likes of the class rated third on the old programme were intended to be, and are in fact, and to all intents and purposes, the American nation, the people.
Mechanics, farmers, sailors, &c., constitute some six millions of the inhabitants of These States; merchants, lawyers, doctors, teachers, and priests, count up as high as five hundred thousand; the owners of slaves number three hundred and fifty thousand; the population of The States being altogether about thirty millions, seven tenths of whom are women and children. At present, the personnel of the government of these thirty millions, in executives and elsewhere, is drawn from limber-tongued lawyers, very fluent but empty, feeble old men, professional politicians, dandies, dyspeptics, and so forth, and rarely drawn from the solid body of the people; the effects now seen, and more to come. Of course the fault, if it be a fault, is for reasons, and is of the people themselves, and will mend when it should mend.

Very good; more remains. Who is satisfied with the theory, or a parade of the theory? I say, delay not, come quickly to its most courageous facts and illustrations. I say no body of men are fit to make Presidents, Judges, and Generals, unless they themselves supply the best specimens of the same, and that supplying one or two such specimens illuminates the whole body for a thousand years.
I expect to see the day when the like of the present personnel of the governments, federal, state, municipal, military, and naval, will be looked upon with derision, and when qualified mechanics and young men will reach Congress and other official stations, sent in their working costumes, fresh from their benches and tools, and returning to them again with dignity. The young fellows must prepare to do credit to this destiny, for the stuff is in them. Nothing gives place, recollect, and never ought to give place except to its clean superiors. There is more rude and undeveloped bravery, friendship, conscientiousness, clear-sightedness, and practical genius for any scope of action, even the broadest and highest, now among the American mechanics and young men, than in all the official persons in These States, legislative, executive, judicial, military, and naval, and more than among all the literary persons. I would be much pleased to see some heroic, shrewd, fully-informed, healthy-bodied, middle-aged, beard-faced American blacksmith or boatman come down from the West across the Alleghanies, and walk into the Presidency, dressed in a clean suit of working attire, and with the tan all over his face, breast, and arms; I would certainly vote for that sort of man, possessing the due requirements, before any other candidate. Such is the thought that must become familiar to you, whoever you are, and to the people of These States; and must eventually take shape in action.
At present, we are environed with nonsense under the name of respectability. Everywhere lowers that stifling atmosphere that makes all the millions of farmers and mechanics of These States and helpless supple-jacks of a comparatively few politicians. Somebody must make a bold push. The people, credulous, generous, deferential, allow the American government to be managed in many respects as is only proper under the personnel of a king and hereditary lords; or, more truly, not proper under any decent men anywhere. If this were to go on, we ought to change the title of the President, and issue patents of nobility. Of course it is not to go on; the Americans are no fools. I perceive meanwhile that nothing less than marked inconsistencies and usurpations will arouse a nation, and make ready for better things afterwards.

I should say it was not. To-day, of all the persons in public office in These States, not one in a thousand has been chosen by any spontaneous movement of the people, nor is attending to the interests of the people; all have been nominated and put through by great or small caucuses of the politicians, or appointed as rewards for electioneering; and all consign themselves to personal and party interests. Neither in the Presidency, nor in Congress, nor in the foreign ambassadorships, nor in the governorships of The States, nor in legislatures, nor in the mayoralities of cities, nor the aldermanships, nor among the police, nor on the benches of judges, do I observe a single bold, muscular, young, well-informed, well-beloved, resolute American man, bound to do a man's duty, aloof from all parties, and with a manly scorn of all parties. Instead of that, every trustee of the people is a traitor, looking only to his own gain, and to boost up his party. The berths, the Presidency included, are bought, sold, electioneered for, prostituted, and filled with prostitutes. In the North and East, swarms of dough-faces, office-vermin, kept-editors, clerks, attaches of the ten thousand officers and their parties, aware of nothing further than the drip and spoil of politics -- ignorant of principles, the true glory of a man. In the South, no end of blusterers, braggarts, windy, melodramatic, continually screaming in falsetto, a nuisance to These States, their own just as much as any; altogether the most impudent persons that have yet appeared in the history of lands, and with the most incredible successes, having pistol'd, bludgeoned, yelled and threatened America, the past twenty years into one long train of cowardly concessions, and still not through, but rather at the commencement. Their cherished secret scheme is to dissolve the union of These States.

Is nothing but breed upon breed like these to be represented in the Presidency? Are parties to forever usurp the government? Are lawyers, dough-faces, and the three hundred and fifty thousand owners of slaves, to sponge the mastership of thirty millions? Where is the real America? Where are the laboring persons, ploughmen, men with axes, spades, scythes, flails? Where are the carpenters, masons, machinists, drivers of horses, workmen in factories? Where is the spirit of the manliness and common-sense of These States? It does not appear in the government. It does not appear at all in the Presidency.

The sixteenth and seventeenth terms of the American Presidency have shown that the villainy and shallowness of great rulers are just as eligible to These States as to any foreign despotism, kingdom, or empire -- there is not a bit of difference. History is to record these two Presidencies as so far our topmost warning and shame. Never were publicly displayed more deformed, mediocre, snivelling, unreliable, false-hearted men! Never were These States so insulted, and attempted to be betrayed! All the main purposes for which the government was established are openly denied. The perfect equality of slavery with freedom is flauntingly preached in the North -- nay, the superiority of slavery. The slave trade is proposed to be renewed. Everywhere frowns and misunderstandings -- everywhere exasperations and humiliations. The President eats dirt and excrement for his daily meals, likes it, and tries to force it on The States. The cushions of the Presidency are nothing but filth and blood. The pavements of Congress are also bloody. The land that flushed amazed at the basest outrage of our times, grows pale with a far different feeling to see the outrage unanimously commended back again to those who only half rejected it. The national tendency toward populating the territories full of free work-people, established by the organic compacts of These States, promulged by the fathers, the Presidents, the old warriors, and the earlier Congresses, a tendency vital to the life and thrift of the masses of the citizens, is violently put back under the feet of slavery, and against the free people the masters of slaves are everywhere held up by the President by the red hand. In fifteen of The States the three hundred and fifty thousand masters keep down the true people, the millions of white citizens, mechanics, farmers, boatmen, manufacturers, and the like, excluding them from politics and from office, and punishing by the lash, by tar and feathers, binding fast to rafts on the rivers or trees in the woods, and sometimes by death, all attempts to discuss the evils of slavery in its relations to the whites. The people of the territories are denied the power to form State governments unless they consent to fasten upon them the slave-hopple, the iron wristlet, and the neck-spike. For refusing such consent, the governor and part of the legislature of the State of Kansas are chased, seized, chained, by the creatures of the President, and are to-day in chains. Over the vast continental tracts of unorganized American territory, equal in extent to all the present organized States, and in future to give the law to all, the whole executive, judicial, military and naval power of These States is foresworn to the people, the rightful owners, and sworn to the help of the three hundred and fifty thousand masters of slaves, to put them through this continent, with their successors, at their pleasure, and to maintain by force their mastership over their slave men and women, slave-farmers, slave-miners, slave-blacksmiths, slave-carpenters, slave-cartmen, slave-sailors, and the like. Slavery is adopted as an American institution, superior, national, constitutional, right in itself, and under no circumstances to take any less than freedom takes. Nor is that all; to-day, to-night, the constables and commissioners of the President can by law step into any part of These States and pick out whom they please, deciding which man or woman they will allow to be free, and which shall be a slave, no jury to intervene, but the commissioner's mandate to be enforced by the federal troops and cannon, and has been actually so enforced.

No; while all is drowned and desperate that the government has had to do with, all outside the influence of government, (for ever the largest part,) thrives and smiles. The sun shines, corn grows, men go merrily about their affairs, houses are built, ships arrive and depart. Through evil and through good, the republic stands, and is for centuries yet to stand, immovable from its foundations. No, no; out of dastards and disgraces, fortunate are the wrongs that call forth stout and angry men; then is shown what stuff there is in a nation.
The young genius of America is not going to be emasculated and strangled just as it arrives toward manly age. It shall live, and yet baffle the politicians and the three hundred and fifty thousand masters of slaves.

Now the term of the seventeenth Presidency passing hooted and spurned to its close, the delegates of the politicians have nominated for the eighteenth term, Buchanan of Pennsylvania, and Fillmore of New York, separate tickets, but men both patterned to follow and match the seventeenth term, both disunionists, both old politicians, both sworn down to the theories of special parties, and of all others the theories that balk and reverse the main purposes of the founders of These States. Such are the nominees that have arisen out of the power of the politicians; but another power has also arisen.

A new race copiously appears, with resolute tread, soon to confront Presidents, Congresses and parties, to look them sternly in the face, to stand no nonsense; American young men, the offspring and proof of These States, the West the same as the East, and the South alike with the North.
America sends these young men in good time, for they were needed. Much waits to be done. First, people need to realize who are poisoning the politics of These States.

Not from sturdy American freemen; not from industrious homes; not from thrifty farms; not from the ranks of fresh-bodied young men; not from among teachers, poets, savans, learned persons, beloved persons, temperate persons; not from among ship-builders, engineers, agriculturists, scythe-swingers, corn-hoers; not from the race of mechanics; not from that great strong stock of Southerners that supplied the land in old times; not from the real West, the log-hut, the clearing, the woods, the prairie, the hill-side; not from the sensible, generous, rude Californian miners; nor from the best specimens of Massachusetts, Maine, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, Indiana, nor from the untainted unpolitical citizens of the cities.

From lawyers' offices, secret lodges, back-yards, bed-houses, and bar-rooms; from out of the custom-houses, marshals' offices, post-offices, and gambling hells; from the President's house, the jail, the venereal hospital, the station-house; from unnamed by-places where devilish disunion is hatched at midnight; from political hearses, and from the coffins inside, and from the shrouds inside of the coffins; from the tumors and abscesses of the land; from the skeletons and skulls in the vaults of the federal almshouses; from the running sores of the great cities; thence to the national, state, city, and district nominating conventions of These States, come the most numerous and controlling delegates.

Office-holders, office-seekers, robbers, pimps, exclusives, malignants, conspirators, murderers, fancy-men, post-masters, custom-house clerks, contractors, kept-editors, spaniels well-trained to carry and fetch, jobbers, infidels, disunionists, terrorists, mail-riflers, slave-catchers, pushers of slavery, creatures of the President, creatures of would-be Presidents, spies, blowers, electioneerers, body-snatchers, bawlers, bribers, compromisers, runaways, lobbyers, sponges, ruined sports, expelled gamblers, policy backers, monte-dealers, duelists, carriers of concealed weapons, blind men, deaf men, pimpled men, scarred inside with the vile disorder, gaudy outside with gold chains made from the people's money and harlot's money twisted together; crawling, serpentine men, the lousy combings and born freedom sellers of the earth.


Two galvanized old men, close on the summons to depart this life, their early contemporaries long since gone, only they two left, relics and proofs of the little political bargains, chances, combinations, resentments of a past age, having nothing in common with this age, standing for the first crop of political graves and grave-stones planted in These States, but in no sort standing for the lusty young growth of the modern times of The States. It is clear from all these two men say and do, that their hearts have not been touched in the least by the flowing fire of the humanitarianism of the new world, its best glory yet, and a moral control stronger than all its governments. It is clear that neither of these nominees of the politicians has thus far reached an inkling of the real scope and character of the contest of the day, probably now only well begun, to stretch through years, with varied temporary successes and reverses. Still the two old men live in respectable little spots, with respectable little wants. Still their eyes stop at the edges of the tables of committees and cabinets, beholding not the great round world beyond. What has this age to do with them?
You Americans who travel with such men, or who are nominated on tickets any where with them, or who support them at popular meetings, or write for them in the newspapers, or who believe that any good can come out of them, you also understand not the present age, the fibre of it, the countless currents it brings of American young men, a different superior race. All this effervescence is not for nothing; the friendlier, vaster, more vital modern spirit, hardly yet arrived at definite proportions, or to the knowledge of itself, will have the mastery. The like turmoil prevails in the expressions of literature, manners, trade, and other departments.

Mechanics! A parcel of windy northern liars are bawling in your ears the easily-spoken words Democracy and the democratic party. Others are making a great ado with the word Americanism, a solemn and great word. What the so-called democracy are now sworn to perform would eat the faces off the succeeding generations of common people worse than the most horrible disease. The others are contributing to the like performance, and are using the great word Americanism without yet feeling the first aspiration of it, as the great word Religion has been used, probably loudest and oftenest used, by men that made indiscriminate massacres at night, and filled the world so full with hatreds, horrors, partialities, exclusions, bloody revenges, penal conscience laws and test-oaths. To the virtue of Americanism is happening to-day, what happens many days to many virtues, namely, the masses who possess them but do not understand them are sought to be sold by that very means to those who neither possess them nor understand them. What are the young men suspicious of? I will tell them what it stands them in hand to be suspicious of, and that is American craft; it is subtler than Italian craft; I guess it is about the subtlest craft upon the earth.

A few generations ago, the general run of farmers and work-people like us were slaves, serfs, deprived of their liberty by law; they are still so deprived on some parts of the continent of Europe. To-day, those who are free here, and free in the British islands and elsewhere, are free through deeds that were done, and men that lived, some of them an age or so ago, and some of them many ages ago. The men and deeds of these days also decide for generations ahead, as past men and deeds decided for us.
As the broad fat States of The West, the largest and best parts of the inheritance of the American farmers and mechanics, were ordained to common people and workmen long in advance by Jefferson, Washington, and the earlier Congresses, now a far ampler west is to be ordained. Is it to be ordained to workmen, or to the masters of workmen? Shall the future mechanics of America be serfs? Shall labor be degraded, and women be whipt in the fields for not performing their tasks? If slaves are not prohibited from all national American territory by law, as prohibited in the beginning, as the organic compacts authorize and require, and if, on the contrary, the entrance and establishment of slave labor through the continent is secured, there will steadily wheel into this Union, for centuries to come, slave state after slave state, the entire surface of the land owned by great proprietors, in plantations of thousands of acres, showing no more sight for free races of farmers and work-people than there is now in any European despotism or aristocracy; and the existence of our present Free States put in jeopardy, because out of that vast territory are to come states enough to overbalance all.
Workmen! Workwomen! Those immense national American tracts belong to you; they are in trust with you; they are latent with the populous cities, numberless farms, herds, granaries, groves, golden gardens, and inalienable homesteads, of your successors. The base political blowers and kept-editors of the North are raising a fog of prevarications around you. But the manlier Southern disunionists, the chieftains among the three hundred and fifty thousand masters, clearly distinguish the issue, and the principle it rests upon. McDuffie, disunionist governor, lays it down with candid boldness that the workingmen of a state are unsafe depositaries of political powers and rights, and that a republic can not permanently exist unless those who ply the mechanical trades and attend to the farm-work are slaves, subordinated by strict laws to their masters. Calhoun, disunionist senator, denounces and denies, in the presence of the world, the main article of the organic compact of These States, that all men are born free and equal, and bequeaths to his followers, at present leaders of the three hundred and fifty thousand masters, guides of the so-called democracy, counsellors of Presidents, and getters-up of the nominations of Buchanan and Fillmore, his deliberate charge, to be carried out against that main article, that it is the most false and dangerous of all political errors; such being the words of that charge, spoken in the summer of the 73d year of These States, and, indeed, carried out since in the spirit of congressional legislation, executive action, and the candidates offered by the political parties to the people.

I say they are, all round. America has outgrown parties; henceforth it is too large, and they too small. They habitually make common cause just as soon in advocacy of the worst deeds and men as the best, or probably a little sooner for the worst. I place no reliance upon any old party, nor upon any new party. Suppose one to be formed under the noblest auspices, and getting into power with the noblest intentions, how long would it remain so? How many years? Would it remain so one year? As soon as it becomes successful, and there are offices to be bestowed, the politicians leave the unsuccessful parties, and rush toward it, and it ripens and rots with the rest.

No right at all. Not the so-called democratic, not abolition, opposition to foreigners, nor any other party, should be permitted the exclusive use of the Presidency; and every American young man must have sense enough to comprehend this. I have said the old parties are defunct; but there remains of them empty flesh, putrid mouths, mumbling and squeaking the tones of these conventions, the politicians standing back in shadow, telling lies, trying to delude and frighten the people; and nominating such candidates as Fillmore and Buchanan.

What impudence! for any one platform, section, creed, no matter which, to expect to subordinate all the rest, and rule the immense diversity of These free and equal States! Platforms are of no account. The right man is every thing. With the downfall of parties go the platforms they are forever putting up, lowering, turning, repainting, and changing.

The platforms for the Presidency of These States are simply the organic compacts of The States, the Declaration of Independence, the Federal Constitution, the action of the earlier Congresses, the spirit of the fathers and warriors, the official lives of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and the now well-understood and morally established rights of man, wherever the sun shines, the rain falls, and the grass grows.

Much babble will always be heard in the land about the Federal Constitution, this, that, and the other concerning it. The Federal Constitution is a perfect and entire thing, an edifice put together, not for the accommodation of a few persons, but for the whole human race; not for a day or a year, but for many years, perhaps a thousand, perhaps many thousand. Its architecture is not a single brick, a beam, an apartment, but only the whole. It is the grandest piece of moral building ever constructed; I believe its architects were some mighty prophets and gods. Few appreciate it, Americans just as few as any. Like all perfect works or persons, time only is great enough to give it area. Five or six centuries hence, it will be better understood from results, growths.
The Federal Constitution is the second of the American organic compacts. The premises, outworks, guard, defense, entrance of the Federal Constitution, is the primary compact of These States, sometimes called the Declaration of Independence; and the groundwork, feet, understratum of that again, is its deliberate engagement, in behalf of the States, thenceforward to consider all men to be born free and equal into the world, each one possessed of inalienable rights to his life and liberty, (namely, that no laws passed by any government could be considered to alienate or take away those born rights, the penalties upon criminals being, of course, for the very purpose of preserving those rights.) This is the covenant of the Republic from the beginning, now and forever. It is not a mere opinion; it is the most venerable pledge, with all the forms observed, signed by the commissioners, ratified by The States, and sworn to by Washington at the head of his army, with his hand upon the Bible. It is supreme over all American law, and greater than Presidents, Congresses, elections, and what not, for they hurry out of the way, but it remains. Above all, it is carefully to be observed in all that relates to the continental territories. When they are organized into States, it is to be passed over to the good faith of those States.

Man can not hold property in man. As soon as there are clear-brained original American judges, this saying will be simplified by their judgments, and no State out of the whole confederacy but will confirm and approve those judgments.
Any one of These States is perfect mistress of itself; and each additional State the same. When States organize themselves, the Federal government withdraws, absolved from its duties, except certain specific ones under the Constitution, and only in behalf of them can it interfere in The States.
The true government is much simpler than is supposed, and abstains from much more. Nine tenths of the laws passed every winter at the Federal Capitol, and all the State Capitols, are not only unneeded laws, but positive nuisances, jobs got up for the service of special classes or persons.
Every rational uncriminal person, twenty-one years old, should be eligible to vote, on actual residence, no other requirement needed. The day will come when this will prevail.
The whole American government is itself simply a compact with each individual of the thirty millions of persons now inhabitants of These States, and prospectively with each individual of the hundred millions and five hundred millions that are in time to become inhabitants, to protect each one's life, liberty, industry, acquisitions, without excepting one single individual out of the whole number, and without making ignominious distinctions. Thus is government sublime; thus is it equal; otherwise it is a government of castes, on exactly the same principles with the kingdoms of Europe.
I said the national obligation is passed over to The States. Then if they are false to it, and impose upon certain persons, can the national government interfere? It can not, under any circumstances whatever. We must wait, no matter how long. There is no remedy, except in The State itself. A corner-stone of the organic compacts of America is that a State is perfect mistress of itself. If that is taken away, all the rest may just as well be taken away. When that is taken away, this Union is dissolved.

They must. Many things may have the go-by, but good faith shall never have the go-by.
By a section of the fourth article of the Federal Constitution, These States compact each with the other, that any person held to service or labor in one State under its laws, and escaping into another State, shall not be absolved from service by any law of that other State, but shall be delivered up to the persons to whom such service or labor is due. This part of the second organic compact between the original States should be carried out by themselves in their usual forms, but in spirit and in letter. Congress has no business to pass any law upon the subject, any more than upon the hundred other of the compacts between the States, left to be carried out by their good faith. Why should Congress pick out this particular one? I had quite as lief depend on the good faith of any of These States, as on the laws of Congress and the President. Good faith is irresistible among men, and friendship is; which lawyers can not understand, thinking nothing but compulsion will do.
But cannot that requirement of the fourth article of the Second Compact be evaded, on any plea whatever, even the plea of its unrighteousness? Nay, I perceive it is not to be evaded on any plea whatever, not even the plea of its unrighteousness. It should be observed by The States, in spirit and in letter, whether it is pleasant to them or unpleasant, beholding in it one item among many items, each of the rest as important as it, and each to be so carried out as not to contravene the rest. As to what is called the Fugitive Slave Law, insolently put over the people by their Congress and President, it contravenes the whole of the organic compacts, and is at all times to be defied in all parts of These States, South or North, by speech, by pen, and, if need be, by the bullet and the sword.
Shall we determine upon such things, then, and not leave them to the great judges and the scholars? Yes, it is best that we determine upon such things.

Whenever the day comes for him to appear, the man who shall be the Redeemer President of These States, is to be the one that fullest realizes the rights of individuals, signified by the impregnable rights of The States, the substratum of this Union. The Redeemer President of These States is not to be exclusive, but inclusive. In both physical and political America there is plenty of room for the whole human race; if not, more room can be provided.

How much longer do you intend to submit to the espionage and terrorism of the three hundred and fifty thousand owners of slaves? Are you too their slaves, and their most obedient slaves? Shall no one among you dare open his mouth to say he is opposed to slavery, as a man should be, on account of the whites, and wants it abolished for their sake? Is not a writer, speaker, teacher to be left alive, but those who lick up the spit that drops from the mouths of the three hundred and fifty thousand masters? Is there hardly one free, courageous soul left in fifteen large and populous States? Do the ranks of the owners of slaves themselves contain no men desperate and tired of that service and sweat of the mind, worse than any service in sugar-fields or corn-fields, under the eyes of overseers? Do the three hundred and fifty thousand expect to bar off forever all preachers, poets, philosophers -- all that makes the brain of These States, free literature, free thought, the good old cause of liberty? Are they blind? Do they not see those unrelaxed circles of death narrowing and narrowing every hour around them?
You young men of the Southern States! is the word Abolitionist so hateful to you, then? Do you not know that Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and all the great Presidents and primal warriors and sages were declared abolitionists?
You young men! American mechanics, farmers, boatmen, manufacturers, and all work-people of the South, the same as the North! you are either to abolish slavery, or it will abolish you.

Suppose you get Kansas, do you think it would be ended? Suppose you and the politicians put Buchanan into the Eighteenth Presidency, or Fillmore into the Presidency, do you think it would be ended? I know nothing more desirable for those who contend against you than that you should get Kansas. Then would the melt begin in These States that would not cool till Kansas should be redeemed, as of course it would be.
O gentlemen, you do not know whom Liberty has nursed in These States, and depends on in time of need. You have not received any report of the Free States, but have received only the reports of the trustees who have betrayed the Free States. Do you suppose they will betray many thousand men, and stick at betraying a few men like you? Raised on plantations or in towns full of menial workmen and workwomen, you do not know, as I know, these fierce and turbulent races that fill the Northeast, the East, the West, the Northwest, the Pacific shores, the great cities, Manhattan Island, Brooklyn, Newark, Boston, Worcester, Hartford, New Haven, Providence, Portland, Bangor, Augusta, Albany, Buffalo, Rochester, Syracuse, Lockport, Cleaveland, Detroit, Milwaukee, Racine, Sheboygan, Madison, Galena, Burlington, Iowa City, Chicago, St. Louis, Cincinnati, Columbus, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, San Francisco, Sacramento, and many more. From my mouth hear the will of These States taking form in the great cities. Where slavery is, there it is. The American compacts, common sense, all things unite to make it the affair of the States diseased with it, to cherish the same as long as they see fit, and to apply the remedy when they see fit. But not one square mile of continental territory shall henceforward be given to slavery, to slaves, or to the masters of slaves -- not one square foot. If any laws are passed giving up such territory, those laws will be repealed. In organizing the territories, what laws are good enough for the American freeman must be good enough for you; if you come in under the said laws, well and good; if not, stay away. What is done, is done; henceforth there is no further compromise. All this is now being cast in the stuff that makes the tough national resolves of These States, that every hour only anneals tougher. It is not that putty you see in Congress and in the Presidency; it is iron -- it is the undissuadable swift metal of death.

Circulate and reprint this Voice of mine for the workingmen's sake. I hereby permit and invite any rich person, anywhere, to stereotype it, or reproduce it in any form, to deluge the cities of The States with it, North, South, East and West. It is those millions of mechanics you want; the writers, thinkers, learned and benevolent persons, merchants, are already secured almost to a man. But the great masses of the mechanics, and a large portion of the farmers, are unsettled, hardly know whom to vote for, or whom to believe. I am not afraid to say that among them I seek to initiate my name, Walt Whitman, and that I shall in future have much to say to them. I perceive that the best thoughts they have wait unspoken, impatient to be put in shape; also that the character, power, pride, friendship, conscience of America have yet to be proved to the remainder of the world.

The times are full of great portents in These States and in the whole world. Freedom against slavery is not issuing here alone, but is issuing everywhere. The horizon rises, it divides I perceive, for a more august drama than any of the past. Old men have played their parts, the act suitable to them is closed, and if they will not withdraw voluntarily, must be bid to do so with unmistakeable voice. Landmarks of masters, slaves, kings, aristocracies, are moth-eaten, and the peoples of the earth are planting new vast landmarks for themselves. Frontiers and boundaries are less and less able to divide men. The modern inventions, the wholesale engines of war, the world-spreading instruments of peace, the steamship, the locomotive, the electric telegraph, the common newspaper, the cheap book, the ocean mail, are interlinking the inhabitants of the earth together as groups of one family -- America standing, and for ages to stand, as the host and champion of the same, the most welcome spectacle ever presented among nations. Every thing indicates unparalleled reforms. Races are marching and countermarching by swift millions and tens of millions. Never was justice so mighty amid injustice; never did the idea of equality erect itself so haughty and uncompromising amid inequality, as to-day. Never were such sharp questions asked as to-day. Never was there more eagerness to know. Never was the representative man more energetic, more like a god, than to-day. He urges on the myriads before him, he crowds them aside, his daring step approaches the arctic and the antarctic poles, he colonizes the shores of the Pacific, the Asiatic Indias, the birthplace of languages and of races, the archipelagoes, Australia; he explores Africa, he unearths Assyria and Egypt, he re-states history, he enlarges morality, he speculates anew upon the soul, upon original premises; nothing is left quiet, nothing but he will settle by demonstrations for himself. What whispers are these running through the eastern continents, and crossing the Atlantic and Pacific? What historic denouements are these we are approaching? On all sides tyrants tremble, crowns are unsteady, the human race restive, on the watch for some better era, some divine war. No man knows what will happen next, but all know that some such things are to happen as mark the greatest moral convulsions of the earth. Who shall play the hand for America in these tremendous games? A pretty time to put up two debauched old disunionist politicians, the lees and dregs of more than sixty years! A pretty time for two dead corpses to go walking up and down the earth, to guide by feebleness and ashes a proud, young, friendly, fresh, heroic nation of thirty millions of live and electric men!

Just a thought.
Just Ken
CLASSical Liberalism